"Starting with a historical introduction, Police Use of Force presents readers with critical and timely issues facing police and the communities they serve when police encounters turn violent. Dr. Palmiotto offers in-depth coverage of the use of force, deadly force, non-lethal weapons, militarization of policing, racism and profiling, legal cases, psychology, perception and training, and violence prevention. Police Use of Force also investigates many case studies, both famous (Rodney King) and contemporary (Ferguson, MO). Essential reading for both criminal justice professionals and academics, this text places police conflict within a complex, modern context, inviting cogent conversation in the classroom and the precinct."

"For much of American history, the federal government has played a limited role in local police regulation. That all changed in 1994, when Congress passed a little known statute that permitted the US Attorney General to reform troubled police departments. Since then, many of the nation's largest police departments - including those in Los Angeles, Chicago, Seattle, Washington, DC, New Orleans, Pittsburgh, Cincinnati, Cleveland, and Albuquerque - have been subject to federal oversight. But until recently, we've known little about how this federal process works. Drawing on original interviews, court documents, statistical data, and media reports, this book provides the first comprehensive account of federal intervention in American police departments. It shows that, under the right circumstances, federal intervention is uniquely effective at combating misconduct in police departments. However, federal intervention is far from perfect. This book concludes by arguing that Congress should expand and improve federal oversight of policing."

"Unarmed citizens shot by police. Drinking water turned to poison. Mass incarcerations. We've heard the individual stories. Now a leading public intellectual and acclaimed journalist offers a powerful, paradigm-shifting analysis of America's current state of emergency, finding in these events a larger and more troubling truth about race, class, and what it means to be "Nobody." Protests in Ferguson, Missouri and across the United States following the death of Michael Brown revealed something far deeper than a passionate display of age-old racial frustrations. They unveiled a public chasm that has been growing for years, as America has consistently and intentionally denied significant segments of its population access to full freedom and prosperity. In Nobody, scholar and journalist Marc Lamont Hill presents a powerful and thought-provoking analysis of race and class by examining a growing crisis in America: the existence of a group of citizens who are made vulnerable, exploitable and disposable through the machinery of unregulated capitalism, public policy, and social practice. These are the people considered "Nobody" in contemporary America. Through on-the-ground reporting and careful research, Hill shows how this Nobody class has emerged over time and how forces in America have worked to preserve and exploit it in ways that are both humiliating and harmful. To make his case, Hill carefully reconsiders the details of tragic events like the deaths of Michael Brown, Sandra Bland, and Freddie Gray, and the water crisis in Flint, Michigan. He delves deeply into a host of alarming trends including mass incarceration, overly aggressive policing, broken court systems, shrinking job markets, and the privatization of public resources, showing time and time again the ways the current system is designed to worsen the plight of the vulnerable. Timely and eloquent, Nobody is a keen observation of the challenges and contradictions of American democracy, a must-read for anyone wanting to better understand the race and class issues that continue to leave their mark on our country today"-- Provided by publisher.

"The current crisis in policing can be traced to failures of reform. "Sparrow surely is right to condemn policing directed only at crime rates rather than community satisfaction." - The New York Times Book Review In the past two years, America has witnessed incendiary milestones in the poor relations between police and the African-American community: Ferguson, Baltimore, and more recently Baton Rouge, St. Paul, and Dallas. Malcolm Sparrow, who teaches at Harvard Kennedy School of Government and is a former British police detective, argues that other factors in the development of police theory and practice over the last twenty-five years have also played a major role in contributing to these tragedies and to a great many other cases involving excessive police force and community alienation. Sparrow shows how the core ideas of community and problem-solving policing have failed to thrive. In many police departments these foundational ideas have been reduced to mere rhetoric. The result is heavy reliance on narrow quantitative metrics, where police define how well they are doing by tallying up traffic stops, or arrests made for petty crimes. Sparrow's analysis shows what it will take for police departments to escape their narrow focus and perverse metrics and turn back to making public safety and public cooperation their primary goals. Police, according to Sparrow, are in the risk-control business and need to grasp the fundamental nature of that challenge and develop a much more sophisticated understanding of its implications for mission, methods, measurement, partnerships, and analysis."

"An urgent and powerful exploration of the rapid militarization of the police in the United States. Starting on the streets of Ferguson, Missouri, as the community grapples with the death of Michael Brown, DO NOT RESIST -- the directorial debut of Detropia cinematographer Craig Atkinson -- offers a stunning look at the current state of policing in America and a glimpse into the future. The Tribeca Film Festival winner for Best Documentary puts viewers in the center of the action -- from a ride-along with a South Carolina SWAT team and inside a police training seminar that teaches the importance of "righteous violence" to the floor of a congressional hearing on the proliferation of military equipment in small-town police departments -- before exploring where controversial new technologies, including predictive policing algorithms, could lead the field next."--From film website.

How and when police use force, and what constitutes excessive force, is central to the debate over policing and race. This book examines use-of-force policies and training, militarization of police, the role of body cameras and video, officer accountability, and the future of policing.

Police power was built on women's bodies. Men, especially Black men, often stand in as the ultimate symbol of the mass incarceration crisis in the United States. Women are treated as marginal, if not overlooked altogether, in histories of the criminal legal system. In The Streets Belong to Us--a searing history of women and police in the modern United States--Anne Gray Fischer narrates how sexual policing fueled a dramatic expansion of police power. The enormous discretionary power that police officers wield to surveil, target, and arrest anyone they deem suspicious was tested, legitimized, and legalized through the policing of women's sexuality and their right to move freely through city streets. Throughout the twentieth century, police departments achieved a stunning consolidation of urban authority through the strategic discretionary enforcement of morals laws, including disorderly conduct, vagrancy, and other prostitution-related misdemeanors. Between Prohibition in the 1920s and the rise of "broken windows" policing in the 1980s, police targeted white and Black women in distinct but interconnected ways. These tactics reveal the centrality of racist and sexist myths to the justification and deployment of state power. Sexual policing did not just enhance police power. It also transformed cities from segregated sites of "urban vice" into the gentrified sites of Black displacement and banishment we live in today. By illuminating both the racial dimension of sexual liberalism and the gender dimension of policing in Black neighborhoods, The Streets Belong to Us illustrates the decisive role that race, gender, and sexuality played in the construction of urban police regimes.

Police and the Liberal State advances a broad interdisciplinary and international project to refocus attention on the scope and function of modern governance through the lens of the police power in its multiple manifestations--from the family to the police station and the prison, and from municipal government to state sovereignty and global security--and techniques--surveillance, control, and licensing, as well as ordinances, regulations, and administrative, constitutional, and criminal law. In the contributions to this volume, police power emerges as a rich and flexible concept that offers a broader functional context to explain the operation of governmental institutions. The essays reveal connections across the history of government, across systems of government within a particular state, and comparatively, across different states and levels of government. The comprehensive scope and boundless ambition of police power, the very characteristics that rest uneasily with traditional conceptions of the liberal state, make it a uniquely useful platform for interdisciplinary and international inquiries into fundamental questions of government and law.

While many studies of domestic collective violence, especially of the black riots of the 1960s, emphasize the causes of violence, James Button's is a major investigation of the consequences of violence. He not only analyzes how and to what extent the national government responded to the black urban riots, but he also moves toward a theoretical definition of the role of collective violence in a democratic society. In so doing, the author clarifies the utility or disutility of collective violence as a minority group strategy for effecting political change. Using a variety of sources and research techniques, Professor Button evaluates the effects of ghetto violence on public policy from a perspective that ranges from the earliest riots in 1963 to the later riots and their long-term impact through 1972. His use of rigorous empirical evidence to explore policy effects at the federal level fills the gap often left by more impressionistic research limited to case studies at a local level. The author's data indicate that many federal executive officials interpreted the acts of black urban violence in the 1960s as politically purposeful revolts intended to make demands upon those in power. James Button's work poses a serious challenge to those who argue that collective violence is apolitical, counterproductive, and pathological. Originally published in 1978. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

Are race-related rumors rooted in the personality traits of the individual? Are they a kind of "improvised news" for a community? Do they come and go at random or form definite, recognizable patterns? What role do the news media play in spreading rumors? These and other questions are treated in this classic study, now available in paperback with a new introduction by the author, of how and why rumors emerge in connection with racial disorders. Included is an examination and critique of the three major models of rumor formation: the psychological approach, emphasizing the emotional needs and drives of the individual; the functional approach, which views rumors as a form of "improvised news"; and the conspiratorial approach, which sees rumors as deliberately planted and not spontaneous. The author's "process model" of rumor formation is based on the premise that rumors cannot "cause" violence and that violence cannot "cause" rumors. Both are viewed as parts of the same process. Rumors are seen as just one of a series of determinants, each of which increases the likelihood of a collective outburst. Among the determinants examined are: conditions of stress; a rigid social structure supported by a racist ideology; and a hostile belief system (or negative set of generalized perceptions) held separately by different groups. Race-related rumors are functionally tied to the latter point and crystallize, confirm, and intensify these beliefs by linking them to actual events. Hundreds of pertinent rumors are documented from local newspapers and investigative accounts. An exhaustive, systematic inquiry is made into the series of disorders that occurred between 1967 and 1970. The role played by rumors during these disturbing times is examined and compared to earlier periods of unrest. Implications for public policy are explored along with a hard look at rumor-control centers. The influence of the police and other public officials as well as the news media are treated extensively since they play a big part in fostering a grapevine in the white suburbs similar to the one found in the inner cities. Terry Ann Knopf teaches arts and media criticism at Boston University's Journalism Department. Earlier, she worked as a TV critic for the Miami Herald and the Patriot Ledger, and was also a correspondent at the Boston Globe specializing in the arts and media.

Mob violence is a phenomenon that has plagued the United States at various times throughout the twentieth century. The events that occurred in Los Angeles in 1992 shed new light on the circumstances that bring about the violence, and the political context in which federal policy responds to the seemingly intractable social and economic problems which underlie the violence. In Understanding Urban Unrest Dennis E Gale compares the federal programmes that have been tested since 1966; makes observations about the probable political response to urban interracial violence and poverty in the future, and concludes that place-based patchwork policies are not effective; and argues that only fundamental changes in the economic structuring of the US and a new agenda for federal policy can offer any real solutions for the nation′s cities and its poor.

Privatization has been on the right-wing agenda for years. Health care, schools, Social Security, public lands, the military, prisons-all are considered fair game. Through stories, analysis, impassioned argument-even song lyrics-Si Kahn and Elizabeth Minnich show that corporations are, by their very nature, unable to fulfill effectively what have traditionally been the responsibilities of government. They make a powerful case that the market is not the measure of all things, and that a vital public sector is an indispensable component of a healthy democracy.

How can human beings be induced to sacrifice their lives?even one minute of their lives-for the sake of their group? This question, central to understanding the dynamics of social movements, is at the heart of this collection of original essays. The book is the first to conceptualize and illustrate the complex patterns of negotiation, struggle, borrowing, and crafting that characterize what the editors term "oppositional consciousness"?an empowering mental state that prepares members of an oppressed group to undermine, reform, or overthrow a dominant system. Each essay employs a recent historical case to demonstrate how oppositional consciousness actually worked in the experience of a subordinate group. Based on participant observation and interviews, chapters focus on the successful social movements of groups such as African Americans, people with disabilities, sexually harassed women, Chicano workers, and AIDS activists. Ultimately, Oppositional Consciousness sheds new light on the intricate mechanisms that drive the important social movements of our time. Contributors: Naomi Braine, Sharon Groch, Fredrick C. Harris, Jane Mansbridge, Anna-Maria Marshall, Aldon Morris, Marc Simon Rodriguez, Brett C. Stockdill, Lori G. Waite

"A report on the civil rights impact of police and community relations in Missouri, particularly disparities in the use of force on people of color, submitted to the United States Commission on Civil Rights. The contents of the report are primarily based on testimony heard by the Missouri Advisory Committee on February 23, 2015 in St. Louis and August 20, 2015 in Kansas City, Missouri."